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The IMPERIALIST ALLIANCE between Trump and Putin
by OLEG VERNYK
THEORETICAL AND POLITICAL JOURNAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST LEAGUE / MAY 2025 - Issue 8
Of course, Donald Trump wants to go down in history. For a politician in the twilight of his life, this is a fairly reasonable desire. All that remains is to choose the optimal means of achieving that goal. And it seems Trump has already made his choice...
To plunge the world into a state of total chaos and destroy everything that has constituted the foundations of the global world order for many decades since the end of World War II.
Naturally, that past world order was far from ideal or just. It was based on the rules of global capitalist globalization, in which Western imperialism as a whole (the so-called “axis of good”) concealed its economic interests behind the liberal veil of “defending human rights” and the “struggle for democracy.” Expansionist foreign policy under the liberal doctrine required the U.S. to make significant investments to bribe governments and influential politicians across the world.
This, in turn, encouraged the outsourcing of major segments of economic production and capital from the “golden billion” countries to developing nations with corrupt bureaucratic regimes, tax havens facilitating tax evasion, and cheap labor that drastically reduced production costs. Products manufactured abroad were then deliberately directed to the U.S. market, generating huge profits for the same American owners of transnational corporations, while simultaneously driving up the U.S. trade deficit—which, as of January 2025, had already reached $130 billion. As of March 24, 2025, the U.S. national debt stood at $36.64 trillion, which amounts to approximately $107,000 per U.S. citizen.
Maintaining a global clientele has clearly become an extremely costly affair for the U.S. The massive structure of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), under the liberal sponsorship of the Democratic Party, had become largely self-sustaining, and it was increasingly difficult to determine whether it truly executed U.S. interests or simply “managed” (read: looted) the U.S. budget.
For years, USAID’s work in Ukraine was based on those same principles of bribery and corruption targeting senior officials and politicians, as well as the creation of U.S.-funded “civil society” organizations. During Trump’s first term, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky tried to balance the interests of both Trump’s Republicans and Biden’s Democrats. He even initiated several criminal investigations into the Ukrainian company Burisma, where Hunter Biden—Joe Biden’s son—had worked. It’s clear that employment was directly tied to his family connections and the opportunities that came with them.
However, after Joe Biden’s electoral victory in November 2020, Zelensky was forced to change his stance, quickly shutting down all criminal cases related to Burisma and Hunter Biden. Since then, the Ukrainian president has remained under the tight grip of the liberal-globalist bloc led by the U.S. Democratic Party— something Trump is well aware of and which has directly influenced his attitude toward Zelensky and, consequently, the Russia-Ukraine war.
In any case, we are already witnessing how Trump’s declared trade war has caused massive collapses across almost every major global stock market. Strong predictions are already being made that this chaos spells the end of the “American century.” The U.S. is abandoning not only its role as the defender of liberal values but also its leadership as the central economy of the socalled “free market.”
The “free market” was always a fictitious category, far removed from the real economic and trade relations of the imperialist era. Protectionism, quotas, and restrictive tariffs have always accompanied global trade, and “free market” rhetoric merely concealed the economic interests of the main global players. But it seems Trump has grown tired of this hypocritical disguise. He has already announced a potential U.S. withdrawal from the World Trade Organization (WTO) and recently blocked the appointment of new judges to its adjudicatory bodies, effectively paralyzing the WTO’s ability to issue rulings. Furthermore, in March 2025, the U.S. suspended its financial contributions for both 2024 and 2025.
THE PREMISES OF AN IMPERIALIST PACT BETWEEN THE U.S. AND RUSSIA
Today, analysts are racking their brains trying to explain why Trump has pivoted toward Putin. The New York Times—the flagship outlet of the liberal U.S. bourgeoisie—recently published: “Trump’s Pivot Toward Putin’s Russia Upends Generations of U.S. Policy.”
Among the quoted reasons is Trump’s intention to weaken Western Europe, now a competitor to U.S. imperialism. Politico quoted a European diplomat who said, “We now have an alliance between a Russian president who wants to destroy Europe and an American president who also wants to destroy Europe.” Indeed, Trump has dismantled the very idea of “transatlantic cooperation” in mere months, effectively dissolving the NATO imperialist bloc.
Also at play is Trump’s desire to break the solid military and economic alliance between the emerging imperialisms of China and Russia. He has announced a 125% tariff hike on Chinese imports, while Russia and its satellite Belarus were conspicuously excluded from the list of affected countries. The administration’s explanation—that those countries “don’t trade with the U.S.”—reeks more of cynicism than naivety. Even uninhabited islands full of penguins have been sanctioned.
While war-torn Ukraine, victim of Russian imperialist aggression, has been slapped with a 10% tariff, its aggressor faces none. It’s easy to predict that this zero-tariff policy will attract foreign investment into the Russian and Belarusian economies, ruled by the authoritarian regimes of Putin and Lukashenko. Trump expects this unprecedented gesture will be well received by Putin and provoke a rupture in the economic, political, and military ties between Russia and China—the real target of Trump’s sanctions.
BACKGROUND OF THE IMPERIALIST PACT BETWEEN THE U.S. AND RUSSIA
We’ve already pointed out that the collaboration between U.S. and Russian imperialisms— that is, the close alignment between Trump and Putin—had an immediate effect in the rapprochement between the U.S. and Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko. Trump’s team announced that a new “agreement” will soon be signed, through which economic and personal sanctions against Belarus and Lukashenko will be lifted in exchange for the latter granting amnesty to certain political prisoners.
In this global context, few were surprised when the U.S. withdrew from the group tasked with investigating Russian war crimes in Ukraine. The New York Times, citing its own sources, stated that this decision is a sign that the Trump administration is walking away from Biden’s commitment to personally hold Putin accountable for crimes committed against Ukrainians.
Another key aspect of this imperialist pact is Trump’s view of the world order established at the 1945 Yalta agreements, which he sees as disadvantageous to U.S. imperialism. Trump views those agreements as shackles that prevented the U.S. from outpacing its competitors—shackles he believes the U.S. must now break free from in order to maintain global hegemony.
Putin’s armed aggression against Ukraine gave Trump a perfect example of how to openly disregard international law and its basic principles, such as the inviolability of borders and the condemnation of wars of conquest. This is why legitimizing Putin’s actions and rehabilitating him as an acceptable political figure in the West has become a key strategic goal of Trump’s foreign policy. This would also serve to justify and legitimize future imperialist aggressions by the U.S. against any country or people that stand in its way.
Trump is stripping U.S. imperialism of all its masks of “defending democracy and human rights,” reverting it to its original form—the “law of the jungle” of savage capitalism. This aggressive imperialism no longer needs “allies” or “partners.” His threats of territorial annexation against NATO members such as Denmark and Canada confirm this. The only exception appears to be Israel, considered an imperialist enclave in the Middle East and a tool for pressuring Arab regimes that produce oil and gas.
Trump feels deep respect—and even envy— for Putin. His authoritarian, anti-democratic personality already clashes with the democratic principles of the U.S. bourgeois constitution, such as the ban on serving more than two presidential terms. Since his re-election, Trump has hinted at the possibility of running for a third term. Putin’s five authoritarian terms are a “pink dream” for him—a model he would like to imitate, even if he’s still bound by the trappings of a democracy he’s ready to toss into the “dustbin of history.”
A CONSPIRACY BEHIND UKRAINE’S BACK: THE REINCARNATION OF THE MUNICH AGREEMENTS[1]
Let’s recall the timeline of recent events. On February 12, 2025, U.S. President Donald Trump posted on Truth Social about a phone call with Russian President Vladimir Putin. This post literally rocked global media and hit like a bombshell in the international community. Trump claimed he had a “long and productive phone call with Putin” and expressed a desire for U.S.-Russia cooperation to benefit “both countries.” With this, the U.S. and Russia agreed to begin negotiations to end the war in Ukraine— without even informing Ukraine of the start of these separatist negotiations between imperialist powers, carried out behind its back.
Interestingly, in the later negotiations in Saudi Arabia—structured as a U.S.-Russia format—participants included U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, CIA Director John Ratcliffe, National Security Advisor Mike Waltz, and Special Envoy for the Middle East Steve Witkoff. Clearly, Trump tailored the delegation to meet all of Putin’s demands. At Putin’s request, Trump excluded from the delegation Keith Kellogg, the U.S. President’s Special Representative for Ukraine, who until recently had still publicly referenced Ukraine’s interests.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky waited until the last moment for a “Trump peace plan” to be presented at the Munich Security Conference, which he attended. However, Trump and Putin ignored not only Zelensky but also the so-called “European partners of the U.S.,” who traditionally insisted on being part of any negotiations to end the war between Russia and Ukraine.
On February 15, 2025, during his speech at the Munich Security Conference, Zelensky flatly rejected Trump’s policy of holding separate negotiations with Russia, suggesting Trump had betrayed Ukraine’s interests. In his address, Zelensky appealed to the major European Union countries for military and financial support, realizing he could no longer count on the Trump administration. But it’s clear that the EU’s joint military assistance to Ukraine will be very limited and cannot match in scale or potential what the U.S. used to provide—assistance that now appears to have ended.
At present, it’s important to note that this mythical “Trump peace plan” has yet to be officially announced or made public. But its broad strokes are already evident to all. In an effort to appease Putin, Trump has completely excluded from the current negotiations any mention of the Ukrainian territories occupied by Russia between 2014 and 2022 (Crimea and parts of Donbas), and a ceasefire and freeze of the conflict along the current front line is on the table. Simultaneously, most U.S. economic and personal sanctions against Russia would be lifted. This option clearly satisfies Putin, as Russia is in a weakened position due to Ukraine’s heroic resistance and the lack of significant advances on the front.
Trump and his team repeatedly point to Zelensky’s highly corrupt regime, his low approval ratings, and the fact that Ukraine must finally hold presidential and parliamentary elections. One of the Trump team’s most serious threats against Zelensky was the possibility of a full financial audit of U.S. military aid to Ukraine. Journalist Tucker Carlson, a close Trump ally, even openly accused Zelensky of allowing U.S.-supplied weapons to end up in the hands of Mexican drug cartels. Carlson presented no evidence, but apparently none was needed—these accusations were primarily meant to exert total control over Zelensky ahead of the Trump-Putin “deal.”
Realizing the weakness of his position, Volodymyr Zelensky offered Trump exclusive rights for U.S. development of Ukraine’s rare earth minerals. Zelensky hoped Trump, as a businessman, would be drawn to the proposal and continue supplying weapons to Ukraine. But he fell into Trump’s trap. Trump happily accepted the offer—not to continue weapons shipments, but as a pretext to demand repayment for weapons already delivered.
Naturally, when Zelensky realized his mistake, he tried to reverse the “deal” or at least obtain some promise of future U.S. support from Trump. However, it’s worth remembering that—even though Zelensky has erased political opponents from the public sphere—Ukrainian society reacted very negatively to the idea of selling off the country’s natural resources to the Americans. According to Ukraine’s Constitution, its natural resources belong to the Ukrainian people, and President Zelensky has no right to dispose of them unilaterally.
The scandal on February 28, 2025, in the Oval Office between Zelensky and Trump made it clear to the world that Trump couldn’t care less about “security guarantees for Ukraine.” But he is deeply interested in the colonial exploitation of Ukraine’s rare earth minerals. The subsequent suspension of arms shipments and intelligence sharing from the U.S. left Zelensky literally on his knees before Donald Trump.
The U.S. then drafted and proposed an even more predatory agreement on rare earth minerals that hands total control of Ukraine’s extractive sector to the U.S.
It must also be noted that Trump’s promises to quickly end the war are now running up against Putin’s diplomatic games, as the Russian leader delays peace negotiations while preparing for a broader offensive. It is unlikely Trump will impose new sanctions on Russia, even if this stalling becomes obvious to him. But on the other hand, the Russian economy is already plunging into recession, and the chaotic trade wars launched by Trump have already triggered a drop in oil prices—on which Russia depends to sustain its long-term war effort.
SOCIALIST POLITICS AS A WAY OUT OF GLOBAL TURMOIL
It’s increasingly evident that Trump’s frantic and largely chaotic attempts to reshape the internal structure and pecking order of global imperialism only accelerate its systemic crisis and highlight its utter inability to solve the problems of global order.
The camaraderie among imperialists only revives, in the collective consciousness of humanity, the terrible specters of the two world wars of the past. And the heroic resistance of Ukraine to Russian imperialism—along with its betrayal by the U.S.—once again makes clear that oppressed peoples must never tie their fate to one imperialist camp against another. The imperialist predators may fight or reconcile. But they always do so behind the backs of workers in their own countries and the peoples they oppress.
The liberal varnish on Trump’s imperialism has been fully discarded as unnecessary. The liberal bourgeoisie—though not yet completely defeated—has suffered a crushing blow at the hands of the far right, from which it’s unlikely to recover anytime soon. Even the anti-Trump protests in the U.S. must now be organized by left reformists like Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, while the main sectors of the U.S. liberal bourgeoisie remain in a state of shock.
In this situation, revolutionary socialists are once again called upon to be the only real defenders of freedom, democracy, and the right to self-determination of the world’s peoples. The fight for freedom and democracy cannot be separated from the global anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist struggle of the oppressed and the working class.
____
[1] Munich Agreements: Signed on September 30, 1938, by the United Kingdom, France, Italy, and Germany. At Göring’s initiative and with Mussolini’s mediation, they agreed—without the participation of Czechoslovakia—that the Sudetenland, a Czechoslovak territory, would become part of Germany.


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